Rooney Rule in Score Casting Discussion


please read the chapter first and then answer the following questions in the paper. 1. Give a brief summary of the chapter.2. What statistical evidence is used to estimate discrimination before and after the Rooney rule?3. Suppose major league baseball set up a similar rule to encourage hiring of Hispanic managers. How could you set up a similar project? Where would you get the data?

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probably means the firm did everything it could to make its earnings look good. Translation: The news is
not quite as rosy as the earnings numbers indicate, just as many of the players who squeak by with .300
probably have averages that inflate their actual performance. Come salary time and after-season trades,
GMs and owners take note.
* Free agency allows players to negotiate and sign with other teams once their contracts expire.
Previously, teams could invoke “reserve clauses” that allowed them to repeatedly renew a player’s
contract for one or more years and did not allow the player to terminate it.
Why black NFL coaches are doing worse than ever–and why this is a good thing
Even without the benefit of hindsight, Tony Dungy seemed to be the perfect representation of
what NFL teams look for in a head coach. He carried himself with a quiet but towering dignity, at once
firm and flexible, stern and compassionate, fully committed to his job, his family, and his faith. His
players revered him. His assistants aspired to be him. Even the doctrinaire members of the media spoke of
him in glowing terms. Mel Blount, the Pittsburgh Steelers’ Hall of Fame cornerback, played with Dungy
in the late 1970s. “Even then you knew it,” says Blount.
“Tony was born to be a head coach in the NFL.”
After a long stint–too long, many thought–as an NFL assistant, Dungy, an African American,
finally got his chance. The Tampa Bay Buccaneers hired him as head coach in 1996. Although Dungy
acquitted himself wel , he couldn’t alchemize his passion and professionalism into victories–at least not
enough of them. In six seasons, Dungy’s teams won more than half their games and he took the Bucs to
the playoffs four times, but the teams struggled once they got there. Two days after a 31-9 defeat to the
Philadelphia Eagles in the 2001 postseason, Dungy was relieved of his coaching duties–a decision that
seemed validated when his 106 successor, Jon Gruden, coached the team to a Super Bowl win the next
At the time, Dungy’s firing left the NFL with just two African-American head coaches, roughly 6
percent. On its face, it was a dismal record, especially when you considered that African Americans made
up nearly three-quarters of the league’s players. And this wasn’t an “off year.” In 1990 and 1991 there was
just one African-American head coach in the NFL. From 1992 to 1995 there were two. There were three
between 1996 and 1999, and there were two in 2002. This struck many as wrong, but statistics alone
weren’t enough to show bias.
One could just as easily claim that the disproportionately small pool of white players was,
statistically anyway, more anomalous. It wasn’t unlike the English Premier League in soccer, where 75
percent of the coaches are British but the majority of the players come from outside England.
Yet Johnnie Cochran Jr.–the controversial lawyer remembered best for his glove-doesn’t-fit
defense of O. J. Simpson–joined forces with another activist attorney, Cyrus Mehri, and decided to
challenge the NFL’s hiring practices. At the time, Cochran and Mehri had been working on a case
targeting what they saw as biased employment practices at Coca-Cola. In the course of the Coke case,
they had crossed paths with Janice Madden, a sociologist at the University of Pennsylvania specializing in
labor economics. Madden was in Atlanta, working on the same case, using a statistical model to
demonstrate that women were not, as the company alleged, inferior salespeople. A thought occurred to
Cochran and Mehri: Maybe Madden could initiate a similar study with respect to NFL coaches.
Although Madden shares a surname with former NFL coach, popular NFL announcer, and video
game impresario John Madden, the football similarities ended there. She was not much of a fan. Her
husband was a Philadelphia Eagles season ticket holder, but she preferred to spend her Sundays at home.
Still, she made Cochran and Mehri an offer: “If you can put the data together for me, I’ll do this pro
bono.” They did, and she did.
Madden found that between 1990 and 2002, the African-American coaches in the NFL were
statistically far more successful than the white coaches, averaging nine-plus wins a season versus eight for
their white counterparts. Sixty-nine percent of the time, the black coaches took their teams to the playoffs,
versus only 39 percent for the others. In their first season on the job, black coaches took their teams to the
postseason 71 percent of the time; rookie white coaches did so just 23 percent of the time. Clearly, black
coaches had to be exceptional to win a job in the first place.
Perhaps, one could argue, black coaches ended up being offered jobs by the better teams: the
franchises that could afford to pursue talent more aggressively. Madden reran her study, controlling for
team quality. African-American coaches still clearly outperformed their colleagues. If this wasn’t a
smoking gun, to Madden’s thinking, it surely carried the strong whiff of bias. If African-American
football coaches were being hired fairly, shouldn’t they be performing comparably to white coaches? The
fact that the win-loss records of African-American coaches were substantially better suggested that the bar
was being set much higher for them.
When Madden went public with her findings, she was blindsided by the criticism. The NFL made
the argument that Madden’s sample size–in many seasons there were just two African-American
coaches–was too small to be statistically significant. Whose fault was that? Madden wondered. At the
national conference for sports lawyers, an NFL executive dismissed Madden’s work, suggesting that she
could have run the numbers for”coaches named Mike” and for “coaches not named Mike” and come up
with similar results. (Curious, Madden ran the numbers and found that this wasn’t the case.)
Still, due in no small part to the work of a female sociologist whose football knowledge was
admittedly modest, the NFL changed its ways. In 2003, the league implemented the so-called Rooney
Rule, named for Dan Rooney, the progressive Steelers owner who chaired the committee looking into the
issue. The rule decreed that teams interview at least one minority applicant to fill head-coaching vacancies.
Otherwise, the franchise would face a stiff fine.
In 2003, the NFL levied a $200,000 fine against the Detroit Lions when the team hired Steve
Mariucci without
interviewing any other candidates, black or white. (Mariucci went 15-28 and was fired in his third
season.) The league achieved its aim. By 2005, there were six African-American coaches in the NFL,
including Dungy, who had been hired by the Indianapolis Colts.
And how has this new brigade of black coaches done? Worse than their predecessors. Much worse,
in fact. From 2003 to the present, African-American coaches have averaged the same number of wins
each season–eight–as white coaches. They are now slightly less likely to lead their teams to the playoffs.
Their rookie seasons are particularly shaky: They lose slightly more games than white coaches do in the
first season. In 2008, for instance, Marvin Lewis coached the Cincinnati Bengals to a 4-11-1 record,
which was only slightly better than the job Romeo Crennel did a few hours’ drive away in Cleveland,
where the Browns stumbled through a 4-12
season. Lewis and Crennel still fared better than yet another African-American coach in the
Midwest, Herman Edwards, who oversaw a misbegotten Kansas City Chiefs team that went 2-14.
It’s worth pointing out that Crennel and Edwards were fired. The Bengals stuck with Lewis, and he
promptly won NFL Coach of the Year honors in 2009, guiding Cincinnati to an unexpected 10-6 season.
But as black coaches lose more games, Madden and other supporters nod with satisfaction. This
“drop-off” is the ultimate validation of the Rooney Rule, an indication that black coaches are being held to
the same standards as their white counterparts. “If African-American coaches don’t fail, it means that
those with equal talents to the failing white coaches are not even getting the chance to be a coach,”
Madden explains. “Seeing African-American coaches fail means that they, like white coaches, no longer
have to be superstars to get coaching jobs.”
The Tampa Bay franchise that fired Dungy and replaced him with Jon Gruden? When the team let
go of Gruden in 2009, management replaced him with Raheem Morris, then a 32-year-old African
American who was the team’s defensive backs coach and had never before been a head coach on any level.
Although no one admitted it, Morris was precisely the type of candidate unlikely to have been taken
seriously before the Rooney Rule. In Morris’s first season, the Bucs went 3-13.
Amid the surge in losing, there have been triumphs. In Super Bowl XLI, Dungy coached against
Lovie Smith of the Chicago Bears, the second time two black coaches in a major American professional
sport had faced each other for a championship and a first for the NFL. Dungy would finally get his Super
Bowl ring. Two years later, the Pittsburgh Steelers, orchestrators of the Rooney Rule, prevailed in Super
Bowl XLIII–an example of a good deed going unpunished. The team’s coach was a Dungy disciple, Mike
Tomlin. Yes, he is “a coach named Mike.”
He also is an African American.
How do conventional explanations for the home field advantage stack up?

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minority race

minority ethnicities

Hispanic managers

NFL superstars

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